Flexibility and security: an asymmetrical relationship?
• high continuity in female employment patterns, reflecting the absence of safe labour
market transitions;
• low unemployment compensation and coverage; 42
• poorly developed family and work-life balance policies: existing policy measures and
programmes fall short of effectively addressing the problems that arise from the conflict-
ing and complex roles of both women and men. As a result, individuals have to invent
their own, often informal or costly arrangements that will allow them to strike a balance
between work and private life. This is becoming increasingly difficult in a context of high
levels of unemployment and job insecurity, of institutional rigidities, and of traditional
social perceptions and attitudes.43
The residual protection provided by the welfare system in Greece is being further accentuated
by the fact that so far, no minimum income guarantee scheme has been introduced, to alleviate the
impact of social inequalities44, whilst in Spain it has been introduced by the regional governments. As
a result, the percentage of the population in both Spain and Greece that is at-risk-of-poverty, even
after social transfers, is amongst the highest in EU-25, standing at 20% (see table 4).
Table 4: At-risk-of-poverty rate (% of total population) - 2005
|
DK |
NL |
SP |
GR |
EU-25 | |
|
before social transfers___________ |
30 |
22 |
24 |
23 |
26 |
|
after social transfers____________ |
12 |
11 |
20 |
20 |
16 |
|
_____• employed_________ |
5 |
9 |
10 |
13 |
8 |
|
_____• unemployed_______ |
26 |
27 |
35 |
32 |
40 |
|
• retired |
16 |
5 |
25 |
25 |
16 |
Source: Eurostat Yearbook 2008, Europe in figures, Living conditions and welfare
42 Owing to the very low unemployment compensation rates and the short duration of benefits in Greece, the family
has to step in and support its most vulnerable members. In Spain the duration of the unemployment benefits is longer
and the categories of potential recipients broader.
43 In Greece, despite the inadequacy of childcare and elderly-care infrastructure and the rigidity of working time pat-
terns, the issue of reconciling work with family life is very low on the political agenda. Moreover, there is a striking
lack of demand or interest on behalf of unions, but also of employees, for family-friendly policies. This paradox may
be explained by the fact that female participation rate is still very low in Greece, whilst informal support networks
(traditional family), although diminishing in importance, still cover, to a large degree, childcare needs.
44 Not surprisingly, Greece stands out amongst most EU-27 countries for its economic inequalities, as the income of the
20% wealthier segment of the population (owing 40.4% of total income) is 6 times the income of the poorest 20%
of the population, that only owes 7% of total income (see INE/GSEE, 2008).
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