The English Examining Boards: Their route from independence to government outsourcing agencies



238

element to the very considerable costs of the necessary hardware and was, naturally, a
source of friction among other staff.

Whenever ‘blue skies thinkers’ considered the interface of the increasing volume of
papers to be marked and the diminishing supply of markers, a frequent solution
proposed was that the burden could be eased through the use of technology - usually
citing developments in North America or the Antipodes. This solution took no
account of the completely different terrain that qualifications occupy in England.
Firstly, there is no national qualification in the USA, Canada, or Australia, where
education is a state or provincial responsibility. As a consequence, any comparisons
with developments in New South Wales or Minnesota are on the basis of widely
differing numbers, purposes and cultural significance.

Secondly, because GCSEs and AS∕A2 qualifications are uniquely ‘high stakes’ or
‘gatekeeping’ examinations, the requirements for reliability and validity are much
more rigorous. Thirdly, despite enthusiasts proclaiming the advantages of electronic
testing, there is a strong English suspicion that what is often referred to as ‘tick box
assessment’ is inferior to the individual’s written answer to a question. Therefore,
although electronic testing is becoming increasingly sensitive, the Boards were all
aware that investment in more than a modicum of this technology could well prove
counter-productive if the users of examination results did not value the outcomes.
They were also becoming aware that there was a growing predatory interest in the
English examining scene from large-scale commercial organisations which specialise
in online testing. The attraction is undoubtedly the size of the English examinations
market: 26 million scripts and pieces of coursework in 2004. (Smithers 2004a) It was
the vocational field which experienced the first fully commercial newcomer.



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