The name is absent

account to the community of progress made by students both in community
integration and the acquisition of skills. Roberts pointed out

*
that there were no drop-outs from the system. (This particular

problem of drop-outs was one of great concern to urban Aborigines).

These young people are quiet, polite, undemanding
of others. They do not have a chip on the shoulder,
they do not think the world owes them a living,
they are not into alcohol, petrol sniffing, drugs
or prostitution.

They have drive but they are not competitive. They
may be shy or humble, but they are not lacking
confidence or initiative. Truly they have a secure
identity.

At Strelley there are a number of children who
have had less than five years schooling .who are reading
English at a grade 5 level or higher. They are
achieving similar levels in mathematics. Some
of them can also type, file, order, sew and cut
out dresses, bank cheques. Some can grow vegetables,
plant trees and make tables; others can write
books and assist in their printing; others again
can teach children (Mikurrunya, 3.10.80:6-7).

Such theorizing acts to support the theorizing of the marrngu.

It also acts to support the identity of the white teachers in the
role they have accepted.

It is clear that the need for indoctrination, stressed by Sorokin
as an important role of members of the group providing for continuity,
is recognised intuitively by the Strelley Mob. The communication
of theorizing is facilitated by two established methods, the community
publications and community meetings.

13.19   Vehicles of indoctrination

(i) The community newsletter (Mikurrunya) and community publications

Clearly, the newsletter is a means of propagating the theorizing
of the people. It has sections in English, in Nyangumarta and
in Manyjiljarra.

The newsletter has manifold functions, latent and manifest.
It is used for literacy lessons. It provides for the restoration

^,l

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