326
and to avoid emphasis being placed on the fact that the research
was directed towards the Aboriginal group.
■
*
Only four response sheets out of a possible five from the
sample were attributed to Aborigines, by teachers collecting them,
reducing the already small numbers and making the Aboriginal sample
at Salisbury North too small to be taken into account in comparative
analyses.
, ... >
≠
While this was disappointing, it was nevertheless totally
consistent with the sub-universe of meaning of Taperoo, and pointed
up the reality of the connection between theory and practice in
the school.
/
*
19.5 Summary - High Schools
Theorizing about Aboriginal identity was not an issue at Salisbury
North High School, given the philosophy of the school. At Taperoo,
the theorizing about Aboriginal identity was articulated by the
staff to themselves, a theorizing not communicated to students.
Aboriginality was reified in that the culture of the people was
seen as an object for study. The real purpose of students going
to the Flinders Ranges was not immediately apparent to the students,
who were chosen for the school excursion on the basis of skills.
Both these situations reflected the appropriateness of the
model proposed (Figure ʒ)ɪ. The Aboriginal people were seen as
integrated into white society. The Salisbury North model reflected
the fact that some people sought to be assimilated by moving out
of kinship contact. The Taperoo model reflected the integration
of Aborigines into white society. The school did not experience
*
within its 'world’ the problems of factionalism between the two
major ’reserve’ groups found in the wider society.
See p. 72.