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STATE OF RELIGION.
them. Had paganism still had a living tradition, it might
have been able to struggle for existence : but this was now
impossible. This artificial system, partly adopted from Chris-
tianity itself, was at best good for a few philosophers; with
the exception of Julian, his advisers, and court philosophers,
there were perhaps not five hundred, or at the utmost one
thousand persons, who embraced it. In the provinces moreover,
the emperor had many negative followers, who only opposed
Christianity without believing in the rival doctrines. Julian’s
undertaking was thus a truly counter-revolutionary attempt :
he wished to introduce into paganism a hierarchy, to institute
a new paganism which was more akin to Gnosticism than to
Hellenism : to the latter in fact, it was diametrically opposed.
The impossibility of carrying this plan into effect, led Julian
to commit acts of tyranny and fraud ; but he was nevertheless
unable to succeed. Christianity, it is true, had not yet been
adopted by anything like the majority of the population, but
it had taken firm root.
Prudcntius,s1 verses on Julian, contain the most excellent
sentiments, and reflect the greatest honour on both their
author and their subject.
.......Ductor fortissimτιs armis,
Couditor et Jegum Celeberrimus, ore maπuque
Consiiltor patriae
Perfidus ɪlle Deo, sed non et perfidus orbi.
The utter perversity of this undertaking was clearly the
source of Julian’s follies and tyranny; Otherwisehewasmild
and indulgent. The late Count Stolberg was of opinion that
the proceedings at the court of his uncle Constantius, which
considered itself Christian, might be a sufficient excuse for
him. Julian, with cruel scorn, forbade the Christians to read
the classical authors in their schools, saying: “ as you despise
them, and will have nothing to do with the pagan gods, you
shall not become acquainted with their literature.” In many
instances he shewed the greatest partiality, not only in cases
where the pagans again took possession of their shut-up temples
and temple-estates, but even in real disputes. Actual persecu-
tions are out of the question ; but religion became a source of
misery.
Julian had set out on his march eastward before the death
of Constantius ; and after that event he continued his expe-
ɪ Apothcos » 450
Julian’s schemes of conquest.
327
dition. He staid for a year at Antiochj, where Iiis philoso-
phical severity came in conflict with the frivolities and luxuries
of the Antiochians. Ever since the time of Hadrian, it had
been the fashion to let the beard grow: but Constantine and
his sons had cut them off; and Julian too had been obliged to
shave as long as he lived at the court: but, in Gaul, he again
allowed his beard to grow, in imitation of the Greek philoso-
phers; and for this reason lie was now ridiculed by the An-
tiochians. From Libanius and John Chrysostoinus, we see that
the Antiochians were a contemptible people, and such as are
to be found only in large cities. Julian was received by them
with expressions of hatred; and it is not imposable that from
the time of Constantius, there had existed in that city a party
hostile to him. His simplicity, which was certainly ostenta-
tious, was offensive to them. An additional cause of their
aversion was the Christian religion, which was still confined
to a small minority it is true; but it was active and vigorous,
while the other party was weakened by divisions. Constantine’s
Christianity was unquestionably of a monstrous kind; he be-
came a Christian, because in the empire of Galerius and Li-
cinius, the Christians were most numerous, and the West was
attached to Christianity, even in the time of his father. rLhe
nobles at Bome were still pagans; but many thousands of the
lower classes had already been converted. Constantine had
the advantage which leaders of exclusive bodies always enjoy,
and this circumstance rendered powerful the party opposed to
Julian. One of the most elegant works which Greek literature
produced in the period of its second life, the “Misopogon”,
arose out of that discoid. In it, as well as in the “ Caesars”,
we see Julian witty and lively.
He now undertook the war against Persia, wτhich, in the
meantime, had probably been disturbed by other wars. FIis
plan was well devised, but he had reckoned too much upon
the success of all his operations. He wanted to march with
his army along the Euphrates, so that provisions might always
be procured from the river, then to lead his fleet through
canals into the Tigris, and thus to strike a fatal blow at the
heart of the enemy. His intention seems to have been to
make Babylonia a Boman province. Procopius and Sebastianus
were to march from Nisibis, in Mesopotamia, across the
Tigris, and to join him in the plains of Armenia. He also