review of six countries suggests that mother tongue instruction in the early years of schooling
had positive effects on achievement in four of the cases. Tokples preschools in Papua New
Guinea which use vernacular languages have been extensively evaluated Ross (1989). All of
these studies support the view that vernacular pre-schools help in the subsequent acquisition
of English. Mother tongue policies for pre-school and the early years of primary often meet
with resistance from interest groups. Cossio (1991) suggests that attempts to move in this
direction in Ecuador were thwarted by those who wished to retain Spanish. Rubagumya
(1991) argues that despite attempts to promote Kiswahili in Tanzanian primary schools and in
adult education as the medium of instruction the position of the language is still precarious at
secondary and higher levels. Okedara and Okedara (1992) review mother tongue instruction
in Nigeria and note the lack of adequate orthographies for many of the languages and the
limitations to literacy until these have been developed.
2.7.4 Strategies to promote literacy
Three main strategies have been followed to promote literacy. These are mass literacy
campaigns, strategies that integrate primary education with adult literacy programmes and
selective literacy campaigns with a particular focus. Each approach places differing emphasis
on self reliance, self motivation and the quality of instruction (Bhola 1990).
Mass literacy campaigns are reviewed by Torres (1990), Al-Nasser (1990) and Sasaoka
(1990). The most successful campaigns appear to have been those conducted in socialist
countries though reservations are expressed about the validity of the evaluations and the
durability of the outcomes achieved. Tanzania claimed to have reduced illiteracy from 67% to
21% between 1971 and 1981 using an approach based on self reliance and socialist principles.
Nicaragua mobilised 80,000 volunteers and used an approach based on concientisation based
on local popular organisations Ethiopia employed 250,000 volunteers in 1979 to reach 11.5
million illiterates and claimed to have increased literacy from 7% to 45% over eight years.
Okedara and Okedara (1992) have evaluate mass efforts in Nigeria and conclude that the
results have been compromised by inadequate funding, sporadic activity and lack of materials
and are circumspect about the confidence that can be placed in the success of the
programmes. Little systematic data exists and it is rarely possible to decide whether literacy
rapidly acquired is retained subsequently. Their methodological critiques apply to the claims
made by other mass literacy campaigns which are usually heavily politically promoted and in
which accurate reporting may be compromised by over enthusiastic attempts to meet
ambitious targets.
Bordia and Kaul (1992) describe the Indian National Literacy Mission which involved inputs
to primary and adult education in an integrated framework. Evaluation studies suggested that
success levels were associated with programme duration, the relevance of course content, and
the visibility of results to participants. They conclude