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Other important variables in Eastern province were age and education level of household head,
and the size of household labor pool. Improvements in fencing and waterworks were more likely
among the middle-aged households than either young or old household heads. At this stage of the
household cycle, there usually exists a good balance of labor supply and capital with which to make
investments.' Household heads with secondary education were less likely to make waterwork or
fencing improvements than those with no formal education. Since age was controlled for, this result
is rather surprising, but would indicate that formal education is not strongly linked to the ability to
undertake productive investment (e.g., it is not linked to wealth or income). The final notable result
is that the size of household labor supply is positively related to the presence of oxen and to earthwork
improvements. None of the household location variables were significantly related to the development
indicators.
In Southern province, none of the control variables was significantly correlated with land
improvements in more than a few cases. Perhaps the strongest of the variables was education. Unlike
Eastern province, secondary education was positively linked with investment in earthwork and
waterwork structures, and to planting of multipurpose and fruit trees. Household labor was positively
associated with the use of formal credit and the presence of oxen.' The frequency of extension visits
was positively associated with credit use, but negatively associated with the incidence of waterwork
structures. The distance from the household to major roads and agricultural offices was significant but
in an inconsistent manner, with each being positively and negatively linked to one type of indicator.
Thus, in general it can be concluded that there is no clear relationship between supply incentives (e.g.,
extension), market incentives (e.g., distance to market), and farm development using these data.
VI. Summary and implications for further research
A. Summary
This chapter has endeavored to describe tenure systems and their links to agricultural
development activities of farmers in selected areas of Southern and Eastern provinces. The major
findings involving tenure and tenure security can be summarized as follows:
► Almost all land is acquired through nonmarket means: inheritance, gifts, and allocations by
local or state authorities. Markets for land are poor for several reasons but the major reason
in the study areas is the relative abundance of land. Households are able to find adequate land
on which to satisfy their consumption needs and even to produce a surplus for the market.
Government policies have undoubtedly played some role as well. However, evidence from
other countries in sub-Saharan Africa indicates that where the demand for land is acute,
markets will develop even in restrictive policy environments.
► Households claim long-term use rights over land. The data clearly show that all but a handful
of sampled households perceive the ability to use their land for various purposes. Included
among rights claimed were the rights to fence and to grow perennial crops, both of which
Young households normally lack capital while older households lack labor. In land-abundant areas of Zambia, it is
not easy to overcome household labor shortages through hiring.
n A household labor index is derived from the age, sex, and working pattern of each member.