In Nolloth, there is a large overlap between traditional and modern village institutions. The
LMD consists mainly of clan leaders (kepala soas) from the former saniri negeri. After the
installation of the formal village structure, it became possible to elect a village head who is
not from the raja clan. For example in 1987, Arnold Matatula became the new village head.
He was also the treasurer but lost the people’s trust following problems with village finances.
Therefore, people were glad that in November 1995, Pieter Huliselan returned from Ambon
to become the new village head. Being from the raja clan, he had a legitimate claim on this
position. Yet, after the “election”, he did not automatically have the traditional authority that
is connected with the adat structure. The tuan negeri of the village had to perform a traditional
ceremony to recognize him as the kepala adat (head of the adat). Because of his high legitimacy,
the current village head has a very strong position in the village.
The village is financially supported through a national government program administered
by the sub-district office (Kecamatan). After submission of an annual proposal, the village gets
a Rp6.5 million (± USD2,600, early 1997 exchange rate) grant. One part of the grant is given to
the PKK, another part is reserved for additional livelihood projects, but the largest share is
used for village development, e.g., fresh water supply, rehabilitation of the village market
and renovation of the village museum. The schools are supported mostly by community effort.
The village economy receives additional support from relatives who live elsewhere (e.g., the
Netherlands) and from renting out marine resource harvesting rights (sasi).
10.2.2 Village organizations
In Nolloth, the usual village organizations have been installed and are, to a more or less
extent, active (see Chapter 6). As of 1997, the PKK is awaiting the arrival of the wife of the
village head in January 1998 before starting any activities. The church organizations are all in
place, but the Pelwata is attended by only a small number of women because the program
does not meet the needs of ordinary women and they are too busy to attend. As with the PKK,
women are not actively recruited. Most village women do not know what the organizations
do, so interest to join is minimal. The youth organization of the church is relatively well
attended and active in the village, e.g., cleaning up, helping the kewang etc. The organizations
were quite conscientious in carrying out their programs.
Some women have organized themselves in the ARISAN savings group. The women say they
act independently from the village government. Savings are used for small-scale trade (bread,
sago) or to buy food. The TAKESRA was installed recently. The 22 members are saving Rp1,000
monthly to gain capital for a kiosk or sago trade. The village also has an IDT program. In two
years, about 60 people benefited from this project. One use of the subsidy was to process and
sell sago. Compared to the PKK and church organizations, the ARISAN, TAKESRA and IDT
groups are more relevant to poorer villagers because they provide economic benefits.
The KUD in Nolloth is a Manderinti (highest level) and primarily occupied with the clove and
nutmeg trade. Approximately, a third of the adults in the village are members. They get a
monthly payment from the KUD and a yearly bonus. The amount depends on the profitability
of KUD enterprises, i.e., through the operation of several shops and a speedboat. Their annual
turnover is Rp70 million per year (± USD30,000, 1996 rate). The KUD donates Rp1-2 million
yearly to both the church and the village government.
100 An Institutional Analysis of Sasi Laut in Maluku, Indonesia