An institutional analysis of sasi laut in Maluku, Indonesia



In other cases, the operational rules may be overruled by the village head, who has the
authority to make decisions based on constitutional rules (
adat). In emergencies, when
individuals ask to open
sasi on their own land, permission is usually granted to harvest some
products. For marine
sasi, a communal resource, individuals cannot be granted access rights.
However, in exceptional cases, the prohibitions on diving and harvesting may be lifted. Two
occasions may illustrate this. First, in 1997, a research team from the Department of Fisheries
in Jakarta was allowed to harvest top shells for an aquaculture project. Later, an ICLARM-
Hualopu research team was allowed to enter the
sasi area to carry out a biological survey.

However, this was only possible under the supervision of the kewang and after permission
from the village head
.

In addition to the official sasi area, a part of the village marine territory north of Umisini
(Figure 10.1) is also managed for top shells and sea cucumbers. The ban on net fishing, diving
and swimming is not exercised here. After the
sasi harvest is complete, and if the KUD has
agreed to it, Butonese or Madurese divers are usually permitted to enter after having paid a
fee to the village head.

As well as the sasi rules, other formal operational rules exist. Gill net fishing, for example, is
allowed only after explicit permission from the village head and the payment of a Rp100,000
fee. Blast fishing and the use of poisons are banned. These regulations are applied to all
villagers and outsiders.

10.4.1 Marine sasi: the players

Decision-making is carried out by those who, according to adat, have the mandate to do this,
i.e., the
raja (who is also village head), the tuan negeri (who also happens to be the head of the
KUD) and the
kewang. Marine sasi is operationalized by the kewang in close collaboration with
the village government. Both the
kewang and the government are recognized by villagers as
fundamentally
adat-based organizations.

Because marine sasi in Nolloth has evolved into an institution for collecting resource rents for
the village government, it is the village head who holds the key decision-making role. Although
he confers with other authorities, it is really he who decides when and how often the
sasi area
will be opened. Also, if thieves are apprehended, it is the village head who imposes and
collects the fine and who decides whether to turn the offenders over to the police.

The kewang’s main role is to patrol the area but its members do not have the mandate to
punish offenders (see below). The
kewang also monitors the size of the shellfish and sea
cucumbers in the
sasi area. When the products under sasi are big enough to be harvested, the
kewang members inform the head of the kewang who will report to the village head. In a meeting
with the harvesters (in this case, the KUD), the traditional authorities, and the church minister,
a date is set to open the season.

Although the church plays a part in land sasi, and prayers accompany marine sasi ceremonies,
the minister is not among the decision-makers or enforcers for marine
sasi. As villagers
explained, fish are too important to be under church
sasi because an infringement of the rules
would be punished by God and this would be too hard on people who are dependent on fish
for food.

Desa Nolloth, Saparua Island 105



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