An institutional analysis of sasi laut in Maluku, Indonesia

Because he lacks general support in the village and legitimacy, the position of the village leader
is rather weak. Illustrative is the fact that people question his descent while, apparently, the
village head is from a raja line. Besides, according to tradition, he was inaugurated by the kepala
adat Latu Hari Hari to make him also kepala adat or traditional village leader. Representatives
from the Kissya and Hendatu clans were present, as well as the church minister and the kepala
adat of Sameth. Nonetheless, many villagers feel that his leadership is not legitimate.

In Haruku, the shift of authority from the clan to the LMD has seriously undermined the
traditional village structure. The village head explained: “The year 1979 was not a good year
for Maluku. It was a mistake to apply the new structure (Law No. 5, 1979) in every province
because it was designed for the Javanese situation.” Adat leaders, such as the kapitan, the tuan
negeri, the kepala jajano (head of the young women who have marriage partners from outside
the village), and the kepala mangari (head of the young men) are still acknowledged but not
actively involved in the village government. Also, before, the villagers were represented through
the clan (soa) structure. This structure has been replaced by a general, geographically-based
structure and the village is divided into dusuns (RT and RW, see Section 4.3). This has caused
confusion where it concerns, for example, the division of the fish after the sasi harvest. The only
sphere in which the clan system is still functional is social occasions, e.g., funerals and weddings.

The kewang is the only traditional institution that is functioning, but it is operating outside
the formal village government and as such, not acknowledged. In the eyes of the people,
however, the position of the kewang is strong and its authority highly legitimate.

Building on the appreciation by the villagers of adat structures, the village head has proposed
to re-institutionalize some of the old adat rituals and practices and to renovate the Baileo
(traditional community house). One of the customs that will be re-established is that when
somebody marries a person outside Haruku, the newcomer is to be introduced to the
Sahumahu clan. However, whether these attempts will include re-establishment or
acknowledgment of political functions, i.e., the kewang, is not clear.

11.2.2 Village organizations

The KUD was installed in 1981 and has 187 members of which more than 50% are women. The
KUD is prosperous and derives a significant income from the clove trade. The KUD also runs a
kiosk, a savings and credit unit (USP), a unit grinder and it processes the billing for the electricity
company. The KUD is not involved in the sasi harvest. Profits are shared among the members.
Membership fees are high; the initial payment is Rp25,000 (USD10, early 1997 exchange rate)
and members must also save Rp500/month. The KUD officials have well-built houses and own
means of transport such as boats. Although it was stated that the KUD acts autonomously from
the village government, supporters of the former village headman boycott it.

Both government and church women’s organizations are not active. The PKK awaits the
formalization of the new village government and involvement of the wife of the new village
leader. Future activities, however, are already planned, e.g., sowing, gardening, cooking and
general participation of women in village programs. The Pelwata was established in the 1920s
and has 250 members. But they, too, are awaiting the inauguration of a new leader (at the
time of our study, in 1997, the new church minister had just arrived). Their program has the
standard activities. The church also has a men’s group (Pelpri) and a youth wing.

The Kaolina is a sub-group of TAKESRA and was installed in 1997 by government decree. The
program target is to increase the income of poor (women) farmers. The organization is

Desa Haruku and Sameth, Haruku Island 125

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