An institutional analysis of sasi laut in Maluku, Indonesia

The 1970s were a time of particularly rapid economic change. Maluku experienced an average
economic growth of 12.8% a year, compared to an average of 8.94% in 1983-88 and 6.67% in
1988-93 (Anonymous 1994). Per capita annual incomes rose from Rp24,383 in 1970 to
Rp1,050,176 in 1993. Much of this economic progress was the result of direct government
assistance. Also, from a predominantly agricultural economy, Maluku gradually shifted to an
economy where industry was important. In 1970, 71% of the gross domestic production (GDP)
were from agriculture and fisheries, 1.6% from industry. In 1993, agriculture and fisheries
provided 32% of the gross domestic production (GDP) and industry, 19%.

3.2 History of Sasi in Maluku

In some Maluku communities, control over the land and marine territories (petuanan) and
their resources is vested in a social institution that has a code of conduct, rules and regulations.
This institution is known as sasi (Volker 1925, Ellen 1978, Kriekhoff 1991). Sasi is not simply
an institution designed to regulate resource use; sasi also has a significant cultural role. “It is
an encompassing body of meaningful relations between people, the natural environment and
gods, ancestors and spirits” (von Benda-Beckmann et al. 1995). Although the origins of sasi
are lost in the mists of time, local legend speaks of sasi being in practice in the 14^th century
and perhaps earlier (Topatimasang 1997). Others maintain that sasi developed in the 16^th
century in response to the needs of clove traders (Kissya 1994), but it was almost certainly
based on older adat tradition that aimed to protect and control exploitation of natural resources
(von Benda-Beckmann et al. 1995).

The “spice wars” of the 1600-1900s had the effect of stimulating militancy as well as mobility
in the Maluku people, and fostered fierce attachment of the people to their territories (Chauvel
1981). This could have been positive in terms of reinforcing adat. On the other hand, however,
the battles were ultimately lost, many of the bravest killed, and the sovereignty of local leaders
abolished. In some cases, wholesale slaughter (as happened in Banda) and forced removals
alienated people from their territories. In general, adat culture is believed to have reached its
zenith in the mid-1600s and the pattern since then has been one of decline, although with
periods of resurgence (Cooley 1962).

The introduction of Islam and Christianity and the establishment of a trade monopoly in
cloves were of decisive influence for the further development of sasi. During the occupation
and Christianization of Maluku by the Dutch, sasi was at first discouraged along with other
“pagan superstitions and rituals” (von Benda-Beckmann et al. 1995). However, the institution
was subsequently revived and revised by the Dutch to control and maximize harvests of
valuable spice crops, regulate land tenure and provide a means of social control (von Benda-
Beckmann et al. 1995). In the revised form, the emphasis on spiritual aspects declined, while
the economic aspects of sasi came to the fore. During this period and into the 1900s, native
Mollucans were often resentful rather than supportive of the Dutch style of sasi, as it
represented the imposition of Dutch ethics and was often a burden on poorer members of
society (Zerner 1994a). Under Dutch influence, what had been purely an adat institution
became integrated to some extent with the village leadership supported by the colonial
government. At a later point, the church also came to have a role in sasi, changing the
institution further into one in which religious, government and adat leaders worked together.

In the period 1880-1893, Dutch Resident J.G.F.Riedel attempted to abolish sasi. He wanted to
break the power of kewang leaders over the spice trade and abolish the kewang’s rights to
enforce sasi rules, which he considered exploitative of the local producers. In spite of his

30 An Institutional Analysis of Sasi Laut in Maluku, Indonesia

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