‘I’m so much more myself now, coming back to work’ - working class mothers, paid work and childcare.

expensive’ (Hays 1996, p.8). Hays argues that this ideology has become so dominant
that mothers of all classes are aware of it (although she does note significant class
differences in the way in which mothers practice ‘intensive mothering’, p.95).

Lareau’s (2002, 2003) work on childrearing cultures suggests that the poor and
working class mothers in her research were largely unaware of or ignored the
demands of intensive mothering. Korteweg (2002) and Minke (1998) argue that the
state’s heavy encouragement of welfare-reliant mothers back into the labour market
allows no space for their mothering responsibilities. As Korteweg notes: ‘a good
mother is a working mother’ (2002, p.17).

All this research is American and there is certainly a need for more UK based studies
of mothering practices and discourses. One UK-based example is the work of Gillies
(2007) who argues strongly for recognition of the way in which the material contexts
in which families live affects mothering. With this we would certainly concur, and
make an additional, but related point. If we are correct and there is a trend amongst
middle class women to increase the time they spend at home by taking on part-time or
no paid work, then working class mothers’ increasingly intense involvement with the
labour market will position them as good self-reliant adult citizens, but may adversely
locate them in the moral universe of mothering versus their middle class counterparts.

Bibliography

Biddulph, S. (2006) Raising Babies: should under 3s go to nursery? (London: Harper
Thorsons).

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