for using recall. In addition, although grinding and
processing are very time-intensive, the introduction of mills
did not always serve to decrease women’s labor time.
Instead, the mills were used when otherwise a meal would
have been foregone. Thus the mills may have increased
nutrition, but did not necessarily reduce women’s time spent
preparing meals.
Mehra, R. 1991. Can structural adjustment work for
women farmers? American Journal of Agricultural
Economics. Pp. 1440-47.
This review of the literature on structural adjustment’s
impact on the agricultural sector focuses on the ways in
which structural adjustment programs may specifically
disadvantage women. These programs tend to expand the
output of export crops at the expense of food production.
Women are more involved in growing food crops. Women,
who are overrepresented among small-scale and resource-
poor farmers, have limited access to credit, land, agricultural
extension and information, and education. In addition,
women face heavier time constraints than men. By
disregarding the structural constraints facing women
farmers, these programs have both disadvantaged women
and reduced the effectiveness of the programs.
Moock, P.R. 1976. The efficiency of women as farm
managers: Kenya. American Journal of Agricultural
Economics 55(5): 831-35.
This article investigates the differences in production
knowledge between men and women small-scale maize
farmers in Kenya. In the Vihiga region of Kenya, 38% of the
farms are managed by women. Moock examines the impact
of physical inputs and natural factors (including area
planted, plant population per acre, labor input per acre, the
use of chemical fertilizer or maize hybrids, and variables
dealing with the condition of the soil and crops) and
information proxy variables (such as sex of manager, years of
schooling, migration, age, extension contact, and special
extension services accompanied by a loan) upon yield. His
results indicate that the impact of schooling on yields is
greater for women than for men. Men who have had just a
few years of schooling, however, perform worse on efficiency
criterion than men who have never attended school.
Extension services result in higher yields for men, but not
for women. This might be explained by the male orientation
of services and staff of Kenya’s Ministry of Agriculture.
Moock, J.L. (ed.). 1986. Understanding Africa’s Rural
Households and Farming Systems. Boulder, Colorado:
Westview Press.
The articles in this collection discuss the need to examine
the relationships between farming systems research and
studies of household decision-making in order to improve
food production in Africa. The articles make it clear that the
conventional norm of a coordinated household unit making
unified production and consumption decisions is
inappropriate. Instead, there are overlapping management
units and a high level of individualized decision-making in
many African settings. In addition, the articles note that
gender is a key mediating factor, especially in labor relations
and other forms of exchange.
Muchena, O.N. 1994. The changing perceptions of women
in agriculture. In M. Rukuni and C.K. Eicher (eds.),
Zimbabwe’s Agricultural Revolution. Harare, Zimbabwe:
University of Zimbabwe Press.
Women in Zimbabwe have been the primary food producers
since before colonialism. Despite the outmigration of men,
women’s decision-making roles and visibility have not
improved substantially. However, some changes have
occurred. Increasing awareness of women’s input to
agricultural production has led to their inclusion in
extension groups. In addition, women can now sell produce
directly to the Grain Marketing Board. This article is a fairly
general description of the role of women in Zimbabwe’s
agriculture.
Mukumbu, M., and T.S. Jayne. 1995. Urban Maize Meal
Consumption Patterns—Strategies for Improving Food
Access for Vulnerable Urban Households in Kenya.
Technical Paper 8. Washington D.C.: USAID Office of
Sustainable Development, Bureau for Africa.
This paper challenges the popular belief that consumers
prefer refined (sifted) maize flour to the unrefined form,
known as posho, and that consumers are not influenced by
price. The findings from a survey of 350 households in
Nairobi, Kenya show that some households in all income
quintiles purchase each type of maize meal. Consumption of
posho is negatively related to household income, while
consumption of refined meal increases with income.
Convenience (i.e., women’s time spent acquiring posho and
having it milled, and proximity of the house to the mill)
influences demand for posho. The difference in taste
between the two types of meal was not a critical factor.
Consumer choices have been influenced by policies designed
to keep maize prices and supplies stable between 1955 and
1980. The food security of low-income consumers may
benefit more from lifting subsidies on refined flour and
making posho mills more accessible. This would make it less
costly for low-income consumers to buy posho meal. Policies
regarding maize must take into consideration that consumer
preferences can be endogenous rather than exogenous.
Mungate, D. 1983. Women: The silent farm managers in the
small-scale commercial areas of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe
Agricultural Journal 80(6): 245-49.
This is one of the early articles emphasizing the importance
of including women as clients of the extension service. In
particular, it stresses the importance of including the wives of
the male farmers who have traditionally been approached by
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