Mara Yerkes & Jelle Visser
Concluding this section, we observe that part-time jobs in the Netherlands are neither atypical nor
flexible, though the diffusion of part-time jobs is likely to have increased the aggregate flexibility of
the Dutch labour market, bringing in more diversity in working time patterns. The ‘normalisation’ of
part-time is supported by the current process of ‘negotiated flexibility’ in working-time regimes,
encouraged by various central, sectoral and company-level agreements. In recent times, these
agreements offer a “choice” or “à la carte” menu to individual workers - supporting the possibilities
of “working time” accounts or banks, the exchange of money for time, or time for money. Yet,
limited childcare facilities remain a crucial factor. Demand for childcare grew steadily, but it took
until 1987 before unions, under pressure of their female members, began to negotiate childcare
facilities in collective agreements (Tijdens et al., 2000). By its own admission, the Dutch welfare state
does rather poor, in comparison with other countries, in supporting young families (SZW, 2000).
According to the Central Planning Bureau, the official Dutch economic forecasting institute, the lack
of and cost of childcare facilities can become a constraint, limiting labour supply and putting pressure
on wages (CPB, 1998). There is also the issue of falling birth rates and the high average age at which
women give birth. Finally, although the Netherlands implemented relevant EU legislation on parental
leave, in the private sector such leave is often unpaid. Like the absence of full-day schooling in some
(rural) parts of the country, this structures the choice towards part-time rather than continuing in a
full-time job after a labour market interruption.
17
AIAS - UvA