336
Thus for a score to be accepted as a stereotype it had to be
greater than the mid-point as well
as greater than its opposite.
20.4 Administering Schedule I
There was almost no incidence of respondents being reluctant to
stereotype, as was reported in the 1950s literature in the United
States of America. Only one person objected that she' did not know
any Aborigines, and this was in the pilot study.
.. ; ∙,
The question may be asked whether respondents would see the
category 'Aborigine’ referring to traditional people. Personal
experience suggests that traditional Aboriginal people are seen by
urban Aborigines as quite 'other*. They are respected and feared,
the secret∕sacred nature of the Law putting them into a quite different
frame of reference. The reference point for stereotyping for those
completing the survey would unquestionably be that of urban
Aborigines who are visible and known to the white world.
The category Italian was included in an attempt to avoid focussing
attention on Aborigines alone, and perhaps causing them embarrassment.
It was also included to test the hypothesis that all minority groups
would be rejected by mainstream society.
None of the respondents suggested that Italians should be
included in 'Australians' or that Aborigines should be included in
the category, 'Australian'. This can be explained by the readiness,
discussed above, of theorizers to place Aborigines and migrants outside
mainstream Australian society.
The lack of reluctance to stereotype can be explained by the
comparative recency of Aborigines being acknowledged as a 'problem',
and the dearth of research in the area.
In general, respondents, both Aborigines and non-Aborigines had not
had their consciousness raised regarding stereotyping. This view
is strengthened by the very few omissions, by the fact that choices
were made across the scale. The number of choices made in the middle
non-committal area, indicating a reluctance to stereotype a particular
item, varied greatly.