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individuals may opt for securing their personal sources of legitimacy and power. This
does not imply any contradiction with the well established literature, but only a
refinement that deserves additional in-depth research.
On the purely empirical side, (his dissertation provides several contributions. In
terms of the comparative literature, it considers a new relationship not covered by the
conventional pieces. As mentioned, Samuels (2004) gave a fabulous insight about
Brazilian legislative politics, but did not reach such a level of disaggregation to analyze
politicians' congressional behavior over the basis of their career goals. A similar
approach to that employed in this essay would substantially improve the knowledge of
politicians' strategies and objectives in the Brazilian Camara dos Deputados; it would also
simplify the evaluation of related topics such as campaign strategies, fundraising,
coattails effects and vertical coalitions. Sinular arguments could be applied to cases like
Mexico (as mentioned) and Venezuela (both federal), or also to unitary yet multilevel
settings such as Uruguay, Colombia or even Bolivia. Beyond Latin American
presidential democracies, Montero (2006,2007) shows that politicians in Spain also have
multilevel shifts between the federal Parliament and the regional chambers. Extending ;
his analysis to the levels of legislation introduced would surely enrich his conclusions
and extensions. ∙
Another relevant decision that may affect future perspectives has to do with the
selection of the sample. As repeatedly mentioned throughout this dissertation, the use of
the whole set of bills ever introduced in the Argentine Congress has strong implications
over the findings. On the one hand, it overcomes any kind of selection bias, as it could
perfectly happen with the use of roll call data or particular subsets of bills. However,
such a decision is not totally free of problems. As well as many analysts of American
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