The name is absent



50

far, no president has had any kind of immediate subnational ambition after his tenure,
with the exception of Carlos Menem in 2007, eight years after leaving the presidency.
Second, in a clear difference with the aforementioned case of Honduras analyses by
Taylor-Robinson and Diaz (1999), legislative submission does not involve the core of the
budgetary resources. Instead, presidents and their ministers can allocate funds through
other administrative channels. Hence, why should I look at non-public presidential bills
for this project?

After debugging the sample, I maintained the remaining 117.249 national bills,
declarations and resolutions submitted by legislators in the period. It is noteworthy to
mention that 33.661 bills (a 28.7%) have some kind of territorial target. Consistent with
the expectations mentioned in Chapter 3, declarations and resolutions have a much
higher proportion of territorial targets. As it can be read in Table 4.1, just a 15% of
national bills involve any kind of provincial or municipal reference. In contrast,
resolutions target twice as much (almost a 30%), while four of each declarations makes
an allusion to subnational units.

Table 4.1: Percentage of Bills with a territorial Target - By Type of Bill

i . ɪvpe

With Target

WithoutTarget

Total

National Bills

4,752

28,365

33,117

14.35

85.65

ÏÔÔ ^

Resolutions

14,768

35,118

49,886

296

704

100

Declarations

14,141

20,105

34,246

4129

5871

ÏÔÔ"

Total

33,661

83,588

117,249

28.71

________71.29

100



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