50
far, no president has had any kind of immediate subnational ambition after his tenure,
with the exception of Carlos Menem in 2007, eight years after leaving the presidency.
Second, in a clear difference with the aforementioned case of Honduras analyses by
Taylor-Robinson and Diaz (1999), legislative submission does not involve the core of the
budgetary resources. Instead, presidents and their ministers can allocate funds through
other administrative channels. Hence, why should I look at non-public presidential bills
for this project?
After debugging the sample, I maintained the remaining 117.249 national bills,
declarations and resolutions submitted by legislators in the period. It is noteworthy to
mention that 33.661 bills (a 28.7%) have some kind of territorial target. Consistent with
the expectations mentioned in Chapter 3, declarations and resolutions have a much
higher proportion of territorial targets. As it can be read in Table 4.1, just a 15% of
national bills involve any kind of provincial or municipal reference. In contrast,
resolutions target twice as much (almost a 30%), while four of each declarations makes
an allusion to subnational units.
Table 4.1: Percentage of Bills with a territorial Target - By Type of Bill
|
i . ɪvpe |
With Target |
WithoutTarget |
Total |
|
National Bills |
4,752 |
28,365 |
33,117 |
|
14.35 |
85.65 |
ÏÔÔ ^ | |
|
Resolutions |
14,768 |
35,118 |
49,886 |
|
29∙6 |
70∙4 |
100 | |
|
Declarations |
14,141 |
20,105 |
34,246 |
|
41∙29 |
58∙71 |
ÏÔÔ" | |
|
Total |
33,661 |
83,588 |
117,249 |
|
28.71 |
________71.29 |
100 |