23
kind of informal grass-roots self-governance approximating what Habermas would
describe as democratic collectivity based on communicative reason (on communicative
reason see Habermas 1995:155-157; on deliberative democracy see Igwe 2004:190-
274)23. I am not implying here that the undocumented migrant population of Greece
constitutes a political entity in the traditional sense; rather, the collective resembles a
social network with a common protection strategy and closely related economic activity.
Yet, it does operate on principles of consensus and shared ethics. Membership is
dependent simply on one’s background, situation, and willingness to engage socially with
other members of the collective. Of course, the impetus to join is very strong,
considering the dire situation most undocumented migrants find themselves in upon
arriving in Greece. There is an obvious comparison to be made here with gangs,
particularly American gangs (Phillips 1999; Vigil 2002; Vigil 2007) or Italian mafia
(Fentress 2000; Jamieson 2000; Schneider & Schneider 2003). I would argue, however,
that the collectivity cannot be characterized as a “gang-style” group for many reasons,
key among which is what can be described as a social and cultural detachment from the
city and its residents, impermanent and expectedly temporary membership to the group,
and an unwillingness to confront authority.
Members of this community, like Jigo who eventually made his way to Athens,
live in small often interconnected groups within a restricted scope of social
action∕participation and cityscape. These small groups are typically formed according to
pre-arrival nationalities and sometimes by chance as newcomers meet and help each other.
231 realize that Habermas was referring to political systems, states, and citizens. Again, my argument is
that the functioning of the undocumented migrant community approximates Habermas’s deliberative
democracy, hence my interpretive indulgences.