56
collective, an observation supported by other advocate∕fιeldworkers like Katerina
Rozakou56. However, ‘outreach’ is a methodology still underutilized by Greek NGOs:
almost no hospitals or health organizations offer such services, nor do legal advocates, or
even local food and clothes-distribution organizations. The only groups I came across
that sent representatives to migrant homes and spaces, and which actively challenged the
“us vs. them” mentality this community has developed, were: MERIA, the health NGO I
directed; and an anarchist organization situated near Exarchia. Of note, Rozakou
identifies two additional outreach-based NGOs in her work, including “Volunteer Work
Athens”, but I had not encountered these in the field nor am I aware of any more.
Yet, despite these various NGOs and interested organizations, the situation for
migrants has not improved in Greece; in fact, things continue to worsen as the population
grows, the economy fails, and the state does not respond. Other foreign claimants to
citizenship such as politically enabled со-ethnic returnees and immigrants of Greek
descent are arguably making headway in negotiating future access to citizenship for all
migrants; however their efforts are largely predicated on the principle of jus sanguinis or
citizenship based on bloodline. As a result of this, undocumented migrants with no claim
to Greek heritage will remain in political limbo for the foreseeable future relying on local
connections to inflammatory political groups, basic health and service NGOs, and the
underground networks of, primarily illegal suppliers and transporters, to support, employ
and protect them. Within this political crucible a timid population is coming to develop a
strong anti-establishment ethos while struggling to achieve the migrant Hellenic dream.
*
56 She does, however, note that tensions and failures can result as aid workers deploy entrenched cultural
categories and follow moral and political convictions rather than focusing on the needs of migrants.
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