The name is absent

81

quickly became associated with oppression, xenophobia, anti-intellectuality and tyranny
(Faubion 1993:103; Wilkinson & Hughes 2004:557). The press was restricted, public
action was banned, and fear descended as neighbors, friends, and spies, among others,
could prompt the arrest and imprisonment of nearly anyone at any time. Protective
localization had reached an extreme, perhaps even a breaking point. Deep ongoing
suspicion and frustration left a scar on the collective political psychology. It can be
argued that the distrust of the government and suspicion of other citizens became
embedded in the Greek psyche at this time.

With time, even the supporters of the junta began to have doubts. The initially
alluring vision of strong leadership Papadopoulos exuded faded due to the spread of
contradictory rhetoric by the junta propaganda machine. At first the master narrative was
populist, then overtly dictatorial, and eventually just confusing as narratives began to
appear based on an ill-defined ideology concerning the “fashioning of a New
Man^,,(Woodhouse 1985:31). As the junta wore on other abstractions emerged that were
both plainly newspeak and incongruent with reality. Despite, or because of problematic
propaganda, close monitoring of the public, and tight regulation, public agitation grew
and, arguably, localization began to break down as individuals united along a growing
sense of anger with the junta. Anarchists started to circulate anti-establishment
propaganda rife with moral-libertarian rhetoric, held secret meetings, and even attempted
to organize several factory worker unions (which were illegal at the time). Whispers of
anarchist support for mass protest began to circulate in Athens adding to the chorus of
voices demanding freedom from oppression (Kinna 2005:4). Eventually, in 1973,
divisions and infighting within the junta, government ineptitude, and popular unrest led to

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