violate the rules if they need to. If the church is involved in marine sasi, the offenders would
not only risk punishment by the village authorities, but also from God, and that would be too
severe. Therefore, the church does not want to be responsible for marine enforcement.
Where sasi is functional, compliance with fishing rules in general (both sasi and other
regulations) is higher than in non-sasi villages. Non-compliance by local villagers is not usually
a threat to the sasi institution, but is a sign of decline which is likely based in problems at the
collective-choice or constitutional levels. Non-compliance may also be directed at an authority
figure rather than at the sasi institution per se. In Hulaliu, the use of destructive fishing
techniques by a contra group was meant to undermine the authority of the village leader.
Non-compliance by either locals or outsiders which threatens the very existence of local
resources and is not effectively controlled by the kewang is, however, a threat to sasi because it
is an incentive for people to abandon local management. Usually, however, intrusion in sasi
areas is low (an offender is caught two to three times a year). Yet, in times of economic and
political stress, the rate of non-compliance can increase.
17.5.7 Externalities
The minimal levels of in- and out-migration and tourism have no impact on village
demography and, so far, appear to pose no threat to traditional institutions. Tourism in Haruku,
stimulated by sasi ceremonies, may even help support the institution. Compared to Ambon,
the infrastructure, communication, and transportation links on the islands of Haruku and
Saparua are limited. Seri and Hutumuri on Ambon Island are heavily influenced by their
proximity to the city. Apparently, the greater involvement of people in the process of
modernization and globalization affects their appreciation for sasi and traditional structures.
In the non-sasi villages, only 70% of fishers thought sasi was important (see Section 17.6). It is
here that the loss of adat ideology and tradition is largest. The tradition of collective action
and other indicators of social sustainability are also relatively weak. This is an important
aspect to take into account when re-institutionalizing sasi or developing a comparable
management institution that must be widely applicable.
Pollution and resource degradation resulting from modern development also pose a challenge
to local resource management. The villages on Ambon see their resources decline due to
pollution from fish and plywood factories. The environmental impacts of these operations
are such that they would be beyond the control and influence of a traditional style village
kewang. Revitalized local institutions require information management, networking and
lobbying skills, and links to government departments having jurisdiction in environmental
protection.
A related issue is that of the impact of large-scale development. Haruku is the one village that
is influenced by mining exploration for copper and other base metals, as well as silver and
gold. This enterprise seriously affects the political stability in the village and also emphasizes
the limits of a village-based management institution that is not linked to higher levels of
government. The sasi institution does not offer villagers the ability to intervene in regional
development planning and licensing of mining operations. The kewang is powerless to prevent
pollution from mining activities affecting sasi resources, and there is no provincial or national
management body to which the villagers can appeal.
National laws and programs are implemented through the provincial, district and sub-district
government offices but information on fisheries and environmental law rarely reaches the
village level. Knowledge of fisheries regulations is fragmented and generally, fisheries
Institutional Resilience : Loss and Revival of Sasi 253