amount devoted to R&D by most Portuguese economic activities, the
largest share of this effort coming from large size firms operating in Lisbon
Metropolitan Area.
Disaggregating by gender the above outcomes we actually observe
that in 2004 some 56,4% of the Portuguese women in Science and
Technology were employed as Human Resources in Science and
Technology in Education (HRSTE), against only some 32,3% in economic
occupations (HRSTO) (EC 2006, op. cit). This result has for long been
under scrutiny as well. Some sociologists argue that the main reasons
behind this feature have to do with the abovementioned small investment
made by Portuguese firms in R&D, in line with the resilience from
traditional and even archaic culture and organisation models inside firms,
less open and “friendly” to female scientists. At the same time, and despite
the lower payment status, Government occupations would be more
attractable for women because of the higher chances provided to reconcile
family and work activities (Ferreira 1995).
Notwithstanding, this line of argumentation seems to us to provide
only a partial explanation, for several reasons. Firstly, Government
expenditure share in R&D lies even below the corresponding effort made
by the business sector (EC 2006, op. cit). But the main disagreement reason
has to do with the distinction we have been making between Science and
Technology, as it comes more and more clear that either strategies and
occupational status strongly differ between these two areas for Portuguese
women. Therefore, we adhere much more to the argumentation provided
by Falcao Casaca: women are still quite apart from the qualification areas
which firms value the most (Falcao Casaca 2005); and we dare say that
those areas have to do mainly with Technology. On the contrary, scientific
10
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