[ ... ]                   extracts edited out of the transcript.

Notes

[1] The majority of the research comes from Australia and the UK. For example, in the
secondary school sector there is research from Willis (1977), Corrigan (1979), Heward
(1988), Walker (1988), Connell (1989, 1996), Mac an Ghaill (1994), Nayak and Kehily
(1996), Parker (1996), Kehily and Nayak (1997), Redman and Mac an Ghaill (1997),
Fitzclarence and Hickey (1998), Martino(1999), Gordan et al. (2000), Light and Kirk
(2000), and, in the primary sector, there are studies from Thorne (1993), Jordan (1995),
Skelton (1996, 1997, 2000), Warren (1997), Adler and Adler (1998), Connolly (1998),
Benjamin (1998), Epstein (1998a), Francis (1998), Gilbert and Gilbert (1998), Renold
(1999, 2000, 2001), Lesko (2000) and Swain (2000, 2002a, 2002b).

[2] During my field work I differentiated between the formal and the informal cultures of
the school. The formal school culture is laid out in documents of the school and state,
and includes the teaching and learning, the pedagogy, the disciplinary apparatus, and the
policy/organisational and administrative structures (Gordon et al. 2000). The informal
school culture is not intended to be in binary opposition, for it is different from, rather
than a reaction to, and is in a continual negotiation with, the formal school culture: it
includes not only the relations and interactions between the pupils, but also the informal
relations between pupils and teachers outside of the instructional relationship.

[3] To protect anonymity, all names of places and people have been changed.

[4] In order to disguise the school’s identity the number of pupils on roll have been
rounded up or down to the nearest 25

[5] Throughout the paper, ‘football’ refers to the game of ‘association football’ or
‘soccer’.

25

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