often based on historical and practical expedience (see Hawkins,1981, for an
extensive discussion of French in British schools) rather than on pedagogical
considerations. As a consequence, children might not only be learning a
language they have not chosen but they might also be learning a language
which they perceive as difficult or one they actively dislike. Disliking a language
can also be the result of unsuccessful learning experiences, as Burstall et al.
(1974) had shown. Burstall et al. reported that after one year many pupils still
liked learning French but that a quarter of children already thought that French
was beyond them. After 3 years only a bare majority still liked French and
those who did were generally from more advantaged socio-economic
backgrounds. Those who liked French were also positive towards learning
other languages while those who disliked French were hostile towards all
languages and concluded that the learning of any language was not for them.
Burstall et al. suggested that favourable attitudes decreased significantly from
year 1 to year 3 due to the increasing difficulty of French and the irrelevance of
French for future employment. The level of prestige attached to a language,
perceived language relevance, language difficulty in terms of children's
perception and/or in relation to their first language, are all likely to influence
attitudes and motivation and by implication learning outcomes.
Language choice, past and present, however, seems very much a question of
expedience rather than the result of educational planning. If schools considered
the implications of choice of language on pedagogy and eventual learning
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