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by more powerful communities or segments within their own societies In turn, these
internal social rebellions created opportunities for colonial economic and political penetration.
By the late nineteenth century, the Portuguese were able to capitalize on internal divisions and
gain administrative control over the territory. Chibalo, a forced labor system, was introduced
in 1900 and continued until 1950. According to Isaacman the struggle between indigenous
communities and the Portuguese resulted in a transformation of social (including gender)
relations, "individualization of the peasantry," dissolution of "collective" working
arrangements, decline of "supra-household" kinship affiliations, and heightened economic
differentiation. 150 Lundin (1992a, 1992b) observes that not only were local social, political,
and economic relations transformed by the Portuguese presence, but also local Portuguese
relations were changed, creating tensions within the community and between the colony and
Lisbon (Lundin 1992a, 1992b).
The Portuguese government in Lisbon, as a result of its own economic weaknesses, was
unable to invest directly in Mozambique. It sold concessions to foreign companies. These
concessions, covering vast tracts of land, gave the companies administrative rights in their
respective zones. The Mozambique Company was chartered to administer and develop a large
area in Manica and Sofala provinces. It reaped great profits through labor exploitation and
the purchase of cotton at artificially low prices. The company sold labor to nearby settler
estates. After 1925, Portuguese settlers, mostly peasants, came to Mozambique in greater
numbers (Isaacman and Isaacman 1983). The settlers were given choice tracts of land, cash
bonuses, low-interest credit, and technical assistance. Most of these earlier settlers acquired
land in southern Gaza Province, along the Limpopo River, and in the Manica highlands.
Small and large private firms also acquired concessions in Manica and Sofala throughout
this period, displacing many local families. The operations of these firms ranged from citrus
farming to cattle ranching to sugar production and processing. Some of the farms in the area
of investigation included Polpa Papel, Companhia Textile do Pungδe, Mocambique Industrial,
SOALPO, and Textafrica in Sofala; and SOALPO, Textafrica, and Chimonica in Manica. 151
Indeed, cadastre maps of the lands north and south of the corridor from the colonial period
illustrate that the entire area was heavily occupied by small and large private agricultural
operations. In Sofala, near Nhamatanda, Srs. Soares, Osvaldo, Popadac, Sanglides, and
Castanheira had holdings averaging 1,000 hectares each. In Manica, near Vanduzi, Srs.
Nogueira, Pina, and Ribeiro held properties in excess of 1,000 hectares, while several other
individuals had farms between 180 and 500 hectares. A little further north of Vanduzi post,
another cluster of private farms, held by Srs. Nobre, SimOes, and Nogueira, controlled
approximately 2,000 hectares each. There were several other medium-sized holdings
extending northward, each approximately 2,000 hectares (Myers, West, and Eliseu 1993).
149. See Isaacman and Isaacman (1983); Isaacman (1992); Vail and White (1980); and Curtin et al. (1981).
150. Isaacman and Isaacman (1983, 1977); Isaacman (1992); see also Vail and White (1980).
151. For a more complete list and discussion of these companies, see Coelho (1993); for a complete
discussion of Mocambique Industrial, see Lundin (1992a).
Several of these same companies are still in operation or are returning to reassert claims. See Myers, West,
and Eliseu (1993); and Alexander (1994).