86
for Beira or other more secure zones.' Smallholders and displaced farmers frequently
reported overcrowding, land shortages, soil degradation, and tenure insecurity.
Smallholders were not always clearheaded about their tenure rights. For example, some
smallholders in Lamego had been displaced by the colonial plantation concessions. Some of
the same families were again displaced by the colonatos and aldeamentos. After indepen-
dence, many of these same individuals, who were hoping to recover their precolonial land,
were forced into communal villages and had to work on cooperative farms; others worked
on the state farms. With the war, many farmers self-displaced to new areas of relative safety
and frequently moved more than once to avoid fighting or being captured—or to capitalize
on economic opportunities, better climatic conditions, infrastructure, or international
assistance. Farmers said that they were not sure when or where they would move once the
war was over. They did not know if they would stay where they were in the communal
villages, move to new areas to secure land, or return to family land. 170 However, most
smallholders interviewed in 1992 maintained that they wanted to leave the communal villages.
In comparison to Gaza Province, farmers in Sofala Province appeared more angry about their
forced resettlement and the conditions in communal villages. They were more outspoken
about the issue, blaming the government (and particularly FRELIMO) for the war, the
drought, and other problems associated with hunger, malnutrition, and disease.'"
In Nhamatanda interviews many of the smallholders who were not on state farm land or
in communal villages had insecure, temporary land rights. These rights were being renewed
by local customary authorities or lineages from season to season. In some cases rural
agricultural extension agents were helping to renegotiate these rights. Others who were
squatting on state farm land or on colonial-era private holdings believed that they would have
to vacate their farms once the war was over and the former owners returned. 12 Farmers and
displaced individuals expressed concern about the future. They believed that many refugees
3and other internally displaced families would move back to the district, creating land
169. As in many other places in Mozambique during the war, there was a process of constant movement
or displacement, reshifting, and temporary settlement as people tried to find secure areas relatively free from
violence. At the same time, people relocated and settled to capitalize on economic opportunities. This constant
shifting added additional layers of claimants to land and natural resources, which would, eventually, lead to
conflict.
Interviews with District Agricultural Director, Nhamatanda, July 1992; rural agricultural extension agents,
Nhamatanda, July 1992; and smallholder farmers, Nhamatanda, July 1992.
170. See Myers, West, and Eliseu (1993); and Myers (1993c).
171. Smallholders in Lamego voiced clear criticisms of FRELIMO and the government; they often had
positive comments regarding developments in education, health care, and other services. At the same time, they
offered no positive comments about RENAMO. On the contrary, when they did refer or answer questions
pertaining to RENAMO, they recounted horror stories about displacement and hunger, abuse and murder
(smallholder interviews, Lamego, July 1992).
172. Interviews with smallholder farmers, Lamego, July 1992; see also Myers, West, and Eliseu (1993).
173. Ibid. This position was supported by rural agricultural extension agents interviewed in Lamego, July
1992.