The name is absent

cultural identity is openly repressed and targeted, a situation made worse by the lack of
effective immigration policy and tolerance of casual racism and organized racism
(perpetrated mostly by unions, especially with connections to the KKE). He explained
that migrants were invested in their families∕community and in exhausting, shallow
productive activities (basic often unsteady wage earning), all the while remaining vigilant
against violent outsiders; they had no interest in Hellenic discourses of any kind, no
investment in politics, and no interest in corporations or big business. This isolation,
which was partially voluntary and partially enforced, afforded them distance from state
posturing, indoctrination, and chicanery. Consequently, according to Nikos, migrants
were poised to attack the state at its financial core with a view towards improving basic
human standards of living: they were not sidetracked or distracted by “fake” or
“strategic” state issues. Migrants were interested in the locus of life, death, and equality.
This, of course, was another oversimplification. While migrants were certainly interested
in life, death, and equality, they were also attentive to the political climate and to specific
legal frameworks that stood to benefit or harm them. Clarification was impossible,
however, as he continued on excitedly to explain that as migrant communities grow, and
second generation migrants become more numerous and desire better lives than those of
their parents, that the state would soon experience more pressure to change the way it
treats this community and would be forced to pay reparations for illegal detainment and
other state abuses suffered by the first generation. Nikos looked to this second generation
as a major source of future support for Greek anarchy. “You remember Paris”, he asked,
“soon people will be talking about ‘Athens’”.

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