have been achieved more efficiently and effectively at a later stage cannot be
dismissed and finds strong support from the literature on age in second
language development, especially in writing concerned with the learning of a
foreign language in the classroom rather than the acquisition of a second
language in natural contexts. The possibility that psychological gains could be
the result of methods and policies of 'languages for all' rather than the result of
an early start as such can also not be dismissed. Initial 'gains' are, in any case,
not necessarily long-lasting. Studies discussed in Chapter Three suggest that
starting early simply because it provides the Iearnerwith more time does not
necessarily lead to better results, especially if learning is not continued beyond
the initial years. That quality of learning time would have to be balanced with
quantity of learning time has already been emphasised.
The two small-scale case studies in this thesis cannot match projects on a
national level. Nevertheless, the limited and tentative findings from classroom
observations, from questionnaires and from interviews with children further
challenge the assumption that 'younger is better1 for all children in all contexts.
Classroom observations suggested that many children did not, for example,
generally find the learning of a foreign language easy and some simply
appeared confused by the experience. Remembering language material
seemed to pose special problems for many, perhaps not surprisingly given the
artificial nature of learning a foreign language within the quantitative and
qualitative constraints of the primary school classroom. Although a number of
studies suggest that young children tend to 'pick up' accents and intonation
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