75
commercial interests who wish to acquire land in the area. The officials supposedly ask the
local farmers to assist them by giving these visitors land for farms. In return, the officials
aver, the local farmers will receive assistance (such as seeds and sprays) and services
(including extension and transport). Local farmers who recounted this story said that not only
did they not receive any assistance or services, but also these enterprises took much more
land than the areas agreed to by the local farmers. The farmers also expressed dismay with
government officials who facilitate "land theft," since key central government dignitaries
(including the past president, the current president, the minister of agriculture, and other
high-ranking officials) are themselves from southern Gaza Province and were therefore
expected to be more sympathetic to the smallholders' situation. In short, these farmers did
not speak positively about government—and some specifically spoke with anger about
FRELIMO.
LOMACO's involvement in the region could potentially be constructive. The enterprise
has the capacity to open new lands, develop infrastructure (roads and transport), and train
manpower. However, the company seems destined to fail in this capacity since it condones
its antagonistic relationship with the local community. It is unfortunate that the local
population sees LOMACO as an adversary rather than a partner "
Investment in the area is also being adversely affected by the pervasive fear that war will
resume soon. As in other part of the country, smallholders claim that the war is not finished.
Therefore, they do not wish to invest in building new permanent homesteads, clearing new
fields, planting trees, and so forth Another factor affecting investment, for both
smallholders and private commercial interests, is the unproductive use of significant amounts
of money and other resources to secure rights to land. As previously noted, some commercial
interests appear to be speculating on a future land market, for they have acquired land and
have not begun production—and do not intend to.
Above all, it appears that the tension between official authorities and local smallholders
has not diminished in the postwar period. This is particularly worrisome given a near
breakdown of customary authority with regard to land in the region. It is unclear how local
farmers are resolving land disputes south of the Limpopo River. It seems that they rely on
family elders, though local officials are called upon when the elders are unable to resolve
differences. What types of social and political transformations are taking place as a result of
these tensions are unclear, and further research is necessary.
141. See also Weiss and Myers (1994); and Myers and Weiss (1994).
142. Apparently smallholders' opinion about the continuation of peace is positively affected by the passage
of more and more time without a resumption of hostilities. At the Second National Land Conference in
Mozambique in May 1994, for example, smallholders from Gaza and Inhambane provinces seemed more hopeful
about prospects for peace than when they were interviewed in Chokwe in January. Many said that they were
waiting until after elections before making long-term commitments and investments in their new homesteads.
This concern about elections was heard throughout the country (see also Alexander 1994).