44
RICE UNIVERSITY STUDIES
68. Soiukiges, No. 2 (1966), 15-19. On Protestant voting, see F. G. Dreyfus, ɪr
Les Elections du 2 janvier 1956 (“Cahiers de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences
Politiques,” No. 82. Paris, 1957), pp. 414-417; and Elections 1962, p. 361.
69. Fichelet et al., Premiers Résultats, p. 19.
70. Elections 1958, p. 158.
71. Elections 1962, p. 239.
72. Fichelet et al., Premiers Résultats, p. 16.
73. Elections 1962, p. 215. The majority of respondents classified as "cadres
supérieurs" also declared a negative vote. They numbered only 65 out of a total
sample of 1,515, however, making projections to the general electorate somewhat
risky. In any case, the IFOP study of the 1965 presidential election found "cadres
supérieurs" to favor de Gaulle in the second ballot by almost two to one. See Son-
dages, No. 4 (1965), 25.
74. Sondages, No. 4 (1965), 36. Though persons in the liberal professions gener-
ally supported de Gaulle, and though the educational level of Gaullist voters is
slightly higher than that of non-Gaullists, the université — university students and
teachers in public schools and universities — tends to be strongly anti-Gaullist. Of 71
teachers in the third National Assembly elected in 1967, only one joined the UD-Ve
group (LΛ√, Feb. 7, 1968).
75. Elections 1958, p. 146.
76. Until recently, one of the most serious problems of voting behavior research
in France has been the tendency of Communist voters to refuse to declare their voting
intentions (or past vote), or to misrepresent it. For example, in the legislative elec-
tions of November, 1958, only 4.4 percent of those respondents in a national survey
who claimed to have voted declared they had voted Communist, as opposed to an
actual Communist total vote of 14.3 percent of all eligible voters in the first ballot.
Moreover, 37.9 percent of all respondents (some of whom probably had not voted at
all) either refused to report their vote or claimed not to know how they voted (Elec-
tions 1958, p. 144). In the IFOP-FNSP study of the 1962 elections, however, those
who refused to declare their vote were fewer (5.2%) and reported Communist votes
(13.5%) were almost equal to actual Communist votes (14.5%) (Elections 1962,
p. 217).
77. Elections 1962, p. 181.
78. Ibid., p. 198.
79. Sondages, No. 4 (1965), 31.
80. Revue française de science politique, XVlI, No. 1 (February. 1967), 65-69.
81. The regional distribution of Gaullist votes is described in Elections 1958,
pp. 361-371; Elections 1962, pp. 291-428 (including a number of regional studies);
François Goguel, “L’Election présidentielle française de décembre 1965,” Revue
française de science politique. XVI, No. 2 (April, 1966), 221-254; Goguel, "Les Elec-
tions législatives des 5 et 12 mars 1967,” ibid., XVIL No. 3 (June, 1967), 446-449;
and Goguel, “L’Electorat Gaulliste,” Nouvelle Frontière, V (January, 1964), 25-31.
For the June. 1968. elections, see the maps in LM. June 25. 1968.
82. Goguel in Elections 1962, pp. 297-298.
83. Elections 1958, p. 158; Elections 1962, p. 299; and Sondages, No. 4 (1964),
30.
84. In the absence of precise information, no attention has been given here to
the 80,000— 100,000 UNR members. A staff study done on 4,000 party members in
Gironde, however, showed that men (62%) outnumbered women (38%), young