75
presidential office, one lost the party primary (Jorge Sobisch in 1995), and the other 19
were not in favorable positions. Basically, nine of them left office early (impeachment,
resignation, or federal intervention) and the ten remaining governors were vice-
governors or legislators that took office temporarily. Thus, their chances of revalidating
their mandates were almost null (for the former) or extremely limited (for the latter). In
sum, at least from the static distribution, I can infer that governors in office did not seek
reelection whenever they could not (could not legally seek office or were not politically
viable). Otherwise, incumbents tend to seek reelection.
Table 6.3: Reasons for Not Running for a Straight Gubernatorial Period,
TennLimitsAbsent
|
Not Reelected |
0/ √.∙∙, :• J ∕°. . '∙ ,- | |
|
Can but don't run |
.5 |
0.14 |
|
Higher office |
3 |
0.08 |
|
Defeated in Elections |
8 |
0.22 |
|
Defeated in a Primary |
1 |
0.03 |
|
Early exit |
9 |
0.25 |
|
Interim |
10 |
0.28 |
|
__________Total_________ |
36 |
1.00 |
If, as stated, governors tend to stay in office unless legal barriers and structures
of opportunity make it unlikely; legislators' chances of jumping to that spot decrease in a
similar fashion. Over the basis of only 48 existing elected positions in the provincial
executive branch, real chances for legislators to become governors are relatively low.
However, the presence of executive term limits for all but two provinces (San Luis and
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