The name is absent

continual success.

A main strategy legislators adopt to pursue permanent reelection is to deliver
locally-based legislation that creates a link with their constituents (Fiorina 1977;
Johannes 1984; Bond 1985). The underlying causal mechanism assumes some degrees of
policy convergence between voters and representatives, which poses a whole strategic
challenge for every ambitious legislator (Erikson and Wright 1980, 1997; Jacobson 1997,
Ansolabehere, Snyder and Stewart 2000). Miller and Stokes (1963) ιmderstand this
process as "policy agreement" or "congruence"; Achen (1983) terms it "responsiveness",
while Fenno (1973) Imderstands it as the development of a "home style" vis-a-vis
legislators and voters. Voters get information about their representative's performance,
evaluate whether "their interests" were translated into policies and then reward or
punish the incumbent (Fiorina 1981). Since most incumbents get reelected, we might
infer that patterns of representation are successful. All these practices tend to reinforce
the conservative nature of the American system, fostering stability, professionalization,
and specialization.

For all the mentioned evidence, ambition is considered static in the US House.
However, every congressman must have πm for election for the first time at some time
point. Do they all enter the legislative race without any previous experience? Is the
legislative poll their first and only attempt in public office? Not typically. Politicians
usually start their political careers at the local level and climb up file political ladder.
Before reaching the House, U.S. politicians show patterns of progressive ambition
(Schlesinger 1966, Black 1972, Brace 1984, Squire 1988). Schlesinger's seminal book
showed that politicians tend to pursue lower-level positions and enter into House races
when the structure of opportunities is favorable for their victory. Thus, many

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